By Alberto Zambrano

Today, we set the record straight on National Assemblyman José Guerra in light of his less-than-successful interview with –ICE-wanted fugitive Raúl Gorrín employee, & former Mexican guerrillas arms facilitator–Vladimir Villegas Poljak.

Guerra & Villegas are long-time hardcore communists. They initiated their Marxist journey in the party that Douglas Bravo created. Bravo is credited as the man who created the Marxist school in which Hugo Chávez had early ideological training in Barinas.

When Carlos Andres Perez privatized CANTV in the 1990s, a public auction for the national telephone company took place at an auditorium of the heavily guarded Venezuela’s Central Bank. The sale was briefly sabotaged by Aristóbulo Iztúriz & Pablo Medina. How can these communist hoodlums make their way to such an exclusive event? A young employee of the Central Bank –who years later gets fired by chavismo– by the name of José Guerra sneaks them in.

Guerra & Villegas’ chat upset many Venezuelans. & they took their angst to the social networks.

Here are some of the things that Guerra said:

“‘Overthrowing’ means forcefully taking out a government, I prefer a political solution, because once you go down the violent way, you know when it’s going to start, but you’ll never know how it ends so it is preferable to have a political arrangement.”

These sorts of statements are the ones the reader would expect to see from someone whose special interests are at risk if there’s a regime change. They express a veiled terminology to express the concern of what will become of them. For politicians like Guerra, it’s impossible to forgo the massive privileges that they’ve accrued since taking office, this political caste shares rights –& power– with chavismo. They sit down to chat any time they want, they rub elbows together & even partake in security operations. Guerra belongs to the kind of party that by ratting out –like the snitches they are– dissidents in arms like Juan Carlos Caguaripano they can move forward towards a more democratic society.

What’s even more impressive to the sheer chutzpah of Guerra, is that if the audience has the stomach to withstand the nauseating exchange is the fact that the National Assemblyman lives in the United States. Guerra’s comments & proposals go precisely the opposite way of what the Western World is doing against the tyrannical regime of chavismo in Venezuela. In this article, we plan to unpack that idea while giving some insight as to who is José Guerra.

Working from home with a luxurious a spacatto wall as background –likely from the same contractor that provides solutions to Chavista housing projects– & an impressive internet connection. –A stark contrast to the rest of the national reality– narcojournalist Vladimir Villegas interviews his former Causa R apparatchik José Guerra.

Guerra, a former economics professor at Universidad Central de Venezuela belongs to a clique of corrupt hoodlums –Henrique “Odebrecht” Capriles, Luis Parra, Julio Borges, Ramón José Medina, Leopoldo Martínez Nucete, José Brito & Conrado Perez– that under the façade of a political party called “Primero Justicia” think that politics is only campaigning for election day.

“I will always advocate for a positive message towards the Armed Forces, & never will I badmouth them. Because I understand what goes on with the Armed Forces, I ran for Congress in a constituency where the largest military fort in Venezuela is located, & I got 40% of the votes in that place. I know the military. Officers & troops voted for me, so I can’t call my constituents ‘narcos, sell-outs, corrupt, or criminals'”.

These political hacks –convinced of the fact that politics is the result of elections– behave as though the exercise of political action starts & ends in a ballot. –Like the electoral processes, we have had in Venezuela since August 15, 2004–. What’s most astonishing of the Guerra affair, is that for a well-known economics professor, he doesn’t seem to be aware that 60% is higher a number than 40%. Meaning than more than half of the electoral force –the military he claims to have on his side– of Fuerte Tiuna voted against him.

Even if we play by Guerra’s twisted logic that 40% of the Venezuelan Armed Forces registered to vote in the country’s largest military garrison cast his ballot for him –& under that logic, they are innocent of any crime–, a whopping 60% majority rejects him–& following his logic is guilty of corruption & drug trafficking–.

The asinine reasoning of claiming to be a military sociological phenomenon expert –based on electoral results–. is only plausible in Venezuelan politics; where the political stakeholders are never held accountable –by the free press or anyone for that matter– for what they say.

“If you say ‘we have to disband the Armed Forces’ if you say ‘our Military Institution is a drug-dealing corrupt enterprise’. Those who are honest –the vast majority of our men in arms, will sideline with the corrupt –because of the herd effect–, you stick to your own.”

Venezuelan politicians say that it is a mistake to generalize & call the whole military structure a corrupt enterprise –as if the ad nauseam replay of Wanted posters, viral videos & the insurmountable evidence laying against the Venezuelan Armed Forces in American & European courtrooms wasn’t enough–.

We don’t call chavismo a corrupt criminal organization out of a whim. It’s official United States policy –the main allies of interim president Juan Guaidó–. & yet José Guerra pretends to treat the Venezuelan Armed Forces as if they were a group of misunderstood & misguided pious souls. If Guerra is so sure that narcos in the Armed Forces are the exception –not the rule–, why can’t he show a single exception?

The only logical explanation to this kind of backward logic wielded by Congressman Guerra is that he feels represented by a clique of narcos. Otherwise, he wouldn’t be against the dismantlement of the armed branch of an international drug-smuggling ring that dwarfs the Sinaloa Cartel.

José Guerra & Vladimir Villegas are longtime friends since they joined the radical left “Causa R” party under the direction of Pablo Medina.

In the interview, the lawmaker makes a veiled admission of guilt. –Admitting a friendship with the nefarious Aristóbulo Iztúriz– when he comments that during one of the treacherous meetings the official opposition routinely has behind closed doors with the minions of the Chavista tyranny. One negotiator for the opposition asked Iztúriz about his friendship with Guerra –from their Causa R days back in the 90s–, the lawmaker is chased out of the country.

The comment that sparked the fury & anger of the public rises from this comment that Guerra makes to Villegas:

“I think that we must draft an amnesty law, a forgiveness law, forgiveness can’t only be for us, we must all be forgiven. Otherwise, there’s no solution. And the Socialist United Party of Venezuela must remain [as a political force]. I don’t want to see Diosdado Cabello in jail, nor Nicolás Maduro at [standing trial] at The Hague or Jorge Rodríguez interned at a mental institution surrounded by a bunch of crazy, sick people. I want to see them on the streets, doing politics like the minority politicians they are, with the freedoms they took & denied for us.”

Sceptics might say that those statements are taken out of context. It’s not. How is PSUV, –the political branch of the drug trafficking enterprise that is chavismo– going to conduct normal politics? In the same way as ETA’s Batasuna? Or the Khmer Rouge of Cambodia?

This reasoning is only comprehensible if the reader grasps at the fact that Guerra belongs to the Venezuelan radical left. A movement that saw amnesty countless times for their heinous crimes: The Venezuelan left doesn’t believe in the justice system. Still, in impunity, in the 60s they rebelled against the country’s democratic system, –wreaked extraordinary havoc in the country– and all of the culprits got pardoned. Their ringleaders changed FN Herstal FAL’s for chalkboards, and began to push a cultural Marxist agenda in Academia, the status quo played the ostrich approach when the left infiltrated the Military Academy & conspired to perpetrate two bloody coups’ d’etat in 1992 –also receiving impunity–, & last. Still, not least, chavismo arose in 1998, builds a political system, puts hacks like Guerra in congress to play the role of politicians & these criminals expect society to believe them in everything they say to guarantee impunity for their Chavista friends.

Guerra might not want to see chavismo behind bars, but the country that gives the Venezuelan lawmaker in exile his refuge –the USA– wants chavismo in orange jumpsuits in ADX Florence. Also, he doesn’t wish to see chavismo standing up for their crimes at The Hague tribunal –or any court of law for that matter–.

What José Guerra wants is those obvious international laws governing human rights cease to be applied to chavismo, under the guise of amnesty.

This is interesting because it directly contradicts Juan Guaidó’s Amnesty Law that claims that crimes against humanity perpetrated by Chavistas will be processed in courts of law.

Any kind of Chavista symbolism must be banned by law –just like public displays of affection for communism in Poland–.

Guerra tells Villegas Poljak: “I vouch for political solutions because, if we do a coup d’etat if a foreign power intervenes in Venezuela; in the end, people will have to vote because I won’t tolerate a puppet placed by a foreign country per sæcula sæculorum with some military man. Regardless of his good intentions to put an order, I don’t want another Juan Vicente Gómez again with pretensions to put order to the country. I want people to vote and choose their president. “

This Guaidó-lackey pretends to keep dealing with chavistas.

Why do the political elite –& their sycophant band of followers– get so upset when we call them out for their sympathies for drug-dealers?

Why are we supposed to believe this derision?